Who is Peter Navarro? Trump’s close aide and ‘Death by China’ author turns focus on India

Former White House Trade Adviser Peter Navarro, a close aide of Donald Trump and well-known critic of China, has now turned his attention to India. In his latest remarks, Navarro accused India of “perpetuating the war in Ukraine” by purchasing Russian crude oil. According to him, New Delhi has become a “laundromat” for Moscow by refining Russian oil and selling it to other countries, including Europe.

Navarro insisted that India does not “need” to buy Russian oil and argued that “the road to peace goes through New Delhi.” While he called Prime Minister Narendra Modi a “great leader,” he defended Trump’s earlier move to impose 50% tariffs on Indian goods, saying India is getting too close to Chinese President Xi Jinping and profiting from the war economy.

These sharp words have raised eyebrows because they come at a time when India is balancing its energy needs with its role on the global stage. Navarro’s comments also highlight the complicated expectations the West places on New Delhi.

Who is Peter Navarro?

To understand his remarks, we need to understand who Navarro is. Born in 1949 in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Navarro is an economist and academic who became one of Trump’s most influential advisers. He led the White House National Trade Council and later directed the Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy during Trump’s first term from 2016 to 2020.

Navarro is best known for his anti-China views. In his books like The Coming China Wars (2006) and Death by China (2011), he described Beijing as a dangerous, expansionist power undermining the global economy. He even wrote Red Moon Rising in 2024, where he argued that the U.S. must beat China in space. His ideas shaped Trump’s trade war against China, which saw tariffs, sanctions, and tougher rhetoric from Washington.

Beijing retaliated by imposing its own sanctions on Navarro after Trump left office in 2021. Despite criticism from economists and even business leaders like Tesla CEO Elon Musk, Navarro has remained firm in his belief that America must defend its industries against unfair trade practices.

Now, he has extended his criticism to India — a move that shows how Washington views New Delhi not just as a partner but also as a competitor in the global economy.

Double standards on oil and trade

Navarro’s criticism of India is striking for one reason: the double standards of the West. Before the Ukraine war began in 2022, India imported almost no Russian oil. But after Western sanctions isolated Moscow, Russian crude became cheaper and more available. India, a country that depends heavily on imports for its energy security, naturally increased its purchases. Today, about 30–35% of India’s crude comes from Russia.

Navarro calls this profiteering and even claims India is reselling Russian oil to Europe, Africa, and Asia at higher rates. But what he fails to acknowledge is that European countries themselves continued buying Russian energy for months after the war began, and even today, loopholes allow Russian oil to reach Western markets indirectly. Why is it acceptable for Western powers to secure their own interests, but not for India to do the same?

On trade, Navarro’s words also ring hollow. He argues that India has “Maharaja tariffs” and that the U.S. runs a trade deficit with New Delhi. But this is true of America’s relations with many countries, including China and Mexico. To single out India ignores the broader reality that trade deficits are a natural outcome of global supply chains and consumer demand.

For a nation like India, which is still building its industries and lifting millions out of poverty, protecting domestic markets is essential. High tariffs are not a luxury but a necessity. For Navarro to use this as an excuse for 50% tariffs on Indian goods seems less about fairness and more about pressure tactics.

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Why India’s stance matters

India has already defended itself against such criticism. The government has stated clearly that energy purchases from Russia are based on national interest. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has reminded the world that other countries, too, are doing the same — and that it would be wrong to expect India to sacrifice its security for someone else’s war.

At the same time, Prime Minister Modi has repeatedly pushed for peace, telling both Russia and Ukraine that “this is not the era of war.” India has balanced humanitarian aid to Kyiv with continued dialogue with Moscow, making it one of the few countries trusted by both sides.

Navarro’s comments, therefore, miss the larger picture: India is not fueling the war, but stabilising global energy markets by ensuring supply continues. If India stopped buying Russian oil, prices would skyrocket, hurting not just Indians but also consumers in the U.S. and Europe.

In trade too, Navarro’s narrow view ignores how India has become a vital partner in diversifying global supply chains away from China. U.S. companies are increasingly investing in India, from Apple to semiconductor giants, precisely because New Delhi offers a stable and democratic alternative.

The bigger picture

Navarro’s attack on India may please a certain political audience in Washington, but it reflects a limited understanding of the complex role India plays in today’s world. Yes, India is buying Russian oil. Yes, it has tariffs. But it is also one of America’s most important strategic partners, especially at a time when China is expanding its global influence.

Calling India a “laundromat” for Russia does little to strengthen ties. Instead, it risks alienating a nation that both Democrats and Republicans in the U.S. have increasingly come to value as a partner in the Indo-Pacific.

Ultimately, the question is not whether India should bend to Navarro’s demands, but whether Washington can move beyond its old habit of lecturing and embrace true partnership. For India, the path is clear: protect national interests, stand firm on energy and trade, and continue playing a constructive role in global diplomacy.